Eritrean president arrives in Ethiopia ahead of embassy opening

Ethiopia has welcomed Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki for his first visit in 22 years. The visit shores up a remarkable improvement in relations after a generation of mutual mistrust and enmity.

Afwerki's plane lands at Eritrea's airport

Afwerki, Eritrea’s president throughout its 25 years of independence, arrived in Ethiopia on Saturday – less than a week after the two countries declared the official end to a two-decade-old border war.

He was greeted upon landing in the capital Addis Ababa by reformist Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, who himself made a historic visit last weekend to Eritrea.

Chief of staff to Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, Fitsum Arega, thanked Isaias “for honoring us with a visit” in a statement.

DW’s correspondent in Addis Ababa Yohanes G. Egiziabher spoke to one excited onlooker who said he was looking forward to being able to cross the border to see friends.

“I am really happy today. I am very happy that I can reconnect with my brothers and old friends,” the man said. “From now on  there is no waiting for Facebook or a telephone call, rather we can meet each other in person. I am very happy that now we can go there by car.”

The 72-year-old Afwerki last visited Ethiopia in 1996, after Eritrea gained independence from its southern neighbor in 1993. That trip was followed by a 1998-2000 war over the disputed border that killed some 80,000 people.

The two countries signed an official declaration of peace on Monday, with the two leaders announcing joint development of ports in Eritrea, the reopening of roads from land-locked Ethiopia, and the restarting of flights.

Eritrea seceded from Ethiopia after a long war of independence, but territorial disputes were carried over to result in the conflict that ended in 2000. Although a peace agreement was signed at the time, Ethiopia refused to implement it.

Read more: Ethiopia’s Anuak refugees are wary of returning home

With the old Eritrean embassy in Addis Ababa set to reopen on Sunday, some Ethiopians have compared the thawing of relations to the fall of the Berlin Wall.

The refusal of Ethiopia to hand over border areas that were disputed has been used by Isaias to keep Eritrea in a state of perpetual military readiness, resulting in a system of conscription that has caused thousands of Eritreans to flee toward Europe and Israel.

rc/jlw (AFP, AP, dpa, Reuters)

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19 injured, 1 dead in South Africa plane crash

There was no immediate information about what caused the crash near the administrative capital of Pretoria. Pictures from the scene showed paramedics rescuing survivors from the smoking wreckage.

Südafrika Flugzeugabsturz - Screenshot Sicherheitskräfte ER24 EMS (

At least 19 people were injured and one killed near Pretoria, South Africa on Tuesday after a charter plane crashed near Wonderboom airport, paramedics confirmed.

“Medics from ER24 and other services are at the scene of a plane crash at Wonderboom in Pretoria,” said Russell Meiring, spokesman for the ER24 medical service. “We have 19 injured casualties ranging from minor to critical injuries at this stage.”

ER24 later said on its Twitter feed that one fatality had since been reported from the scene, and that it had occured “in the cockpit.”

ER24 EMS (Pty) Ltd.


[UPDATE] – One fatality reported at the crash in Pretoria.

Images from the scene of the incident showed the aircraft broken into multiple pieces as rescue workers helped passengers and crew out of the smoking wreckage. Firefighters were also on hand to put out the flames.

The photographs showed the words Martin’s Air Charter on the side of the plane, and it was reportedly a vintage aircraft being used in a special test flight. The 1954-built plane was soon to be flown to the Aviodrome air museum, near the central Dutch city of Lelystad, via Egypt, Croatia and Austria. It had just been refurbished for 350,000 euros ($410,000) at Wonderboom.

Aviodrome wrote on Facebook that it was “hugely shocked,” by the crash.

“We are not sure what happened at this stage,” Rosella Passier,  Aviodrome’s marketing manager, told French news agency AFP.

“All we know is shortly after take-off the plane experienced trouble and crashed.”

A spokesman for Martin’s Air also said it did not know what had prompted the incident. There were no reports of inclement weather in the area.

es/msh (AFP, dpa)


DR Congo casts doubt on UN findings of gruesome atrocities by government security forces

The UN accused DR Congo security forces of committing horrific acts of violence against civilians in the war-torn Kasai region. The country’s human rights minister questioned the findings in an interview with DW.

Democratic Republic of Congo military personnel (FARDC) patrol near Beni in North-Kivu province (Reuters/Kenny Katombe)

The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) rebuked a report by a UN human rights team that accused the army, FARDC, of committing mass killings, torture and rape in the country’s war-torn Kasai region.

“There are a few undisciplined elements in FARDC,” Congolese Human Rights Minister Marie-Ange Mushobekwa told DW. “But that doesn’t mean that every member of the police or the army is a delinquent.”

UN experts presented a report to the body’s Human Rights Council last week that accused FARDC of “systematic” human rights violations against civilians in Kasai suspected of supporting rebel militias. Some violations, they said, amounted to war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Locals told the team that FARDC soldiers had tortured civilians, indiscriminately murdered some by burning them alive, and raped women and girls, in some cases gang raping victims in front of their family members. Some women and girls were allegedly given a “choice” between being killed or raped. The experts said many of the perpetrators had not been punished.

But Mushobekwa said that military police were investigating soldiers suspected of committing crimes against civilians. “They won’t go unpunished,” she said.

Watch video02:08

Escalating violence in DRC’s Kasai province

Gang rapes, beheadings and cannibalism

FARDC has been fighting Kamuina Nsapu and Bana Mura militias in Kasai since fighting between rival ethnic and political groups surged there following the death of a local opposition leader in late 2016.

In their 126-page report, UN experts also detailed gruesome atrocities committed by members of the two militia groups.

Bana Mura troops reportedly dismembered victims and engaged in mass rape of women and children, in some cases with the use of sticks or firearms. One man was reportedly executed after he refused an order to rape his own daughter.

Other locals reported that Kamuina Nsapu troops beheaded civilians with machetes, forced family members to rape their relatives and ordered captive children to cook victims’ limbs. “One victim told us that in May 2017 she saw a group of Kamuina Nsapu militia, some of whom sported female genitals as medals,” the report stated.

According to Omar Kavota from local NGO Center for Peace, Democracy and Human Rights Studies (CEPADHO), Kamuina Nsapu have committed the majority of the atrocities in the conflict. “They behead people, cut off their private parts and display them in public, believing this gives them extraordinary power,” he said.

Watch video01:28

Congolese flee violence to Angola

‘A climate of terror in Kasai’

General David Musandi, Kasai’s police commissioner, denied that there was widespread violence against civilians in the region. “Everything is peaceful,” he told DW. “Everything is under control.”

But Justice Tshiamalala Biaya of Kasai’s Center for Human Rights corroborated the UN’s findings and told DW that people investigating atrocities were regularly intimidated. “There is still a climate of terror in Kasai,” she said.

A UN peacekeeping force known as MONUSCO has been monitoring the violence in Kasai since December 2016. The head of the mission, Leila Zerrougui, told DW that solving the conflict would require the disarmament of rebel militias and a reconciliation process between warring parties.

“It’s not acceptable that the civilian population pays such a heavy price for this situation,” she said.


Nigeria: The Killing Fields of Fulani herdsmen

By Gabby Ogbechie, The Property Gazette 

Human life, especially the life of the Christian in Nigeria is worth much less than that of a cow. Bishop Matthew Kukah said that much recently at a book presentation in Sokoto, North-West Nigeria after two Catholic Priests and some members of their parish were slaughtered in cold blood by murderous Fulani herdsmen.

With Elections due in 2019, coupled with the desperation of the utterly and hopelessly failed attempt of General Muhammadu Buhari and his APC at governance, every attempt is being made by the ruling party to ensure that despite the woes which have befallen them because of the cluelessness of the APC to govern; that Nigerians must be made to re-elect Buhari by coercion.

The maxim of the Fulani butchers, and by inference that of the APC is, “re-elect Buhari, or die”. Thrèe years ago when Buhari was desperately seeking to oust President Goodluck Jonathan from office, the APC in its desperation employed a variety of arsenals against the then ruling PDP, amongst which were:

  1. The despatch of President Obama’s political strategist, David Axelrod to Nigeria as Candidate Buhari’s Strategic Planner;
  2. The Anti-corruption campaign of the APC which was employed in the demonization of the ruling PDP members as kleptomaniacs;
  3. The “Change” mantra which sounded like a magic wand back then that would turn all undesirables to desirables;
  4. The promise to perfect the security apparatus which, as he insisted, would commence with the prompt defeat of Boko Haram;
  5. The emergence of Pastor Osinbajo as the Vice Presidential nominee by Muhammadu Buhari and the effect of the ensuing photo-ops of the APC candidates with the revered Pastor E.A. Adeboye, the General Overseer of candidate Osinbajo’s RCCG; and
  6. The unleashing of the destructive and murderous Fulani militants commonly known as Fulani herdsmen on hapless Nigerians, in addition to the Boko Haram terrorists who had carved a path of slaughter through the non-Hausa-Fulani, North-East states of Adamawa, Borno, Yobe and Taraba.

Has the Buhari Administration done well enough to deserve a second term? Without mincing words, the answer to the foregoing question is a resounding NO! That is the general consensus and response anyone would receive from the average Nigerian. However, for the purposes of this write-up, let’s examine this poser from the viewpoint of the abovementioned bullet points:
* Before the Presidential election in 2015, President Obama’s political Consultant, David Axelrod, by His own admission visited Nigeria to consult for Muhammadu Buhari, obviously at the behest of President Obama.

The same President Obama who had embarrassed President Jonathan and Nigeria by refusing to sell arms to Nigeria to execute the war against Boko Haram, exposed his resolve for a regime change by dispatching Axelrod to work with APC’ s political organisation about how to gain as much political mileage as possible.

Axelrod, undoubtedly succeeded because Obama’s resolve to replace Dr. Goodluck Jonathan with Mohammed Buhari, the self-acclaimed Islamic fundamentalist who saw everything from the standpoint of Islam and others won, and the hapless Jonathan, who could have cancelled the election on the basis the underage voting pattern in the North-West and North-Central States, conceded and made way for the advance of Buhari’s jihadist agenda.
* To put some substance to his anti-corruption objective, Buhari, on assumption of office clamped down on a number of PDP stalwarts who have been repeatedly demonized as having stolen billions of dollars and Naira and what have you. Some were paraded and taken in and out of courts and back to detention.
Others like Allison Madueke, we were made to understand, were fugitives from the law and resident in such places as Britain, USA, etc. These are nations that would readily have such fugitives repatriated, but the government has not demanded their repatriation; but would rather herald us with the fact that they are kleptomaniacs.
Another curious angle to President Buhari’s anti-corruption campaign is the fact that the definition of “the corrupt” circumscribes people of the opposition only. Within his own ruling APC, there are former State governors who virtually bankrupted their states to fund Buhari’s campaign, and who are currently serving in his cabinet. Such former governors have been conveniently allowed through the sieve of Buhari’s anti-corruption net.
Moreover, there is a leader of the party from the South-West whom Forbes magazine described as the biggest landlord in Africa; and who basically transferred his state’s assets to himself, and owns almost every formerly State owned, money making asset; having had them converted to self for pittance in most cases. How the government’s anti-corruption drive could be characterised as successful is beyond us, given that for example, the $500 million the US government has recently agreed to repatriate to Nigeria was the same Abacha loot which the Obama administration refused to release to Nigeria under President Jonathan.
Again, despite the name calling which has been the order of the day since the Buhari Administration assumed office, no single conviction has been secured. Patriotic non politicians like myself would love to see every thief in Nigeria in jail, irrespective of their party affiliation or what zone or state they come from.
* The Change Mantra.

Candidate Buhari sold himself to the Nigerian electorate on the basis that he would deliver changes to the electorate on various problems which had seemingly become perennial. Among such promises are:

  1. To end the reign of Boko Haram insurgents who have terrorized Nigeria all through the Jonathan presidency;
  2. To improve the economy to the extent that the Naira would convert with the dollar at par value;
  3. Ending the fuel scarcity syndrome;
  4. That power generation problems would come to a permanent end;
  5. That he would provide security for all. The attainment of any of the promised Eldorado has remained a mirage thus far. Things have become so bad that Nigerians openly wish that they would have been better off the way things were during the Jonathan Administration.
  • The Security Situation

Well before the assumption of the Buhari Administration, accusations of being part of the Boko Haram problem was an accusation that virtually circumscribed most of the prominent political leaders of the Hausa-Fulani stock. Buhari himself had been reported several times in the past as rebuking the Jonathan Administration for killing Boko Haram terrorists.

It was not a surprise therefore that barely months after assuming power, the Buhari government announced that it had defeated Boko Haram, and was basically releasing those terrorists back into civil society with claims that such terrorists had been reformed. However, with increased raids on cities in Borno, Yobe and other North-East states, and the sacking of a number of military installations, the government was forced back to reality.

As the Boko Haram terrorists ravaged the North-East, the Fulani herdsmen/militants intensified their terror campaign all over the Middle-Belt, South-East, South-West and South-South states. Typically, what the apologists for the Fulani militants characterise as “Farmers-Herdsmen” clashes commence with the herdsmen, who are usually armed with AK 47 Rifles and other pump action assault weapons lead their cattle into farmsteads, and ransack barns; cutting stacks of yam and cassava tubers into tiny, chewable bits which they subsequently feed to their cattle.
In the process of feeding such cattle, if the farm owner is unlucky to be around and dare to enquire why his yam barn was being converted to food for cattle, such farmer would be shot at the spot. All the made up tales of farmers-herders clashes are figments of the imagination of the apologists of the Fulani militants. This writer had a personal experience which is worth retelling here. It was mid-January 2017 when I visited home for the funeral services of someone close to my family. With some time on my hands, I resolved to visit my family’s farmland which was about a kilometre away. On arrival, I couldn’t find any of the plantain and banana trees my brother had spent hundreds of thousands of Naira planting some couple of years back, and which they had been harvesting. In addition, I discovered that our land and the other farmlands had been deliberately set on fire.
Just as I left the edge of the land and walked towards the wall of a nearby Secondary School, a herd of all-white cattle made its way into my farmland. Were I to have sought an explanation from the malams as to why my farmland had been ravished and set on fire, those herdsmen would have shot me dead. It is no longer safe for anyone to go to farm in the besieged non-Fulani states in Nigeria; that much I realised at that very moment.

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After the spate of killings that had gone on in the centrally located Benue State, General T.Y. Danjuma, a respected retired General, a Tiv who was instrumental in helping the Hausa-Fulani consolidate power in Nigeria, was compelled by quirks of conscience to advise Nigerians to defend themselves as the Army was more or less helping the herdsmen in their terrorist attacks.
Following Danjuma’s statement, the spate of killings by herdsmen experienced a hike: between March and April, according to the statistics supplied by the Inspector General of Police, about …were killed in Benue State alone by Fulani militants. The break-down of those killed are as follows:


.     · January 1 – 73 killed in Logo and Guma LGAs in Benue
· January 1 – 2 killed in Awe LGA, Nasarawa
· January 1 – 25 Killed in Keana LGA, Nasarawa
· January 3 – 3 killed in Markurdi, Benue State
· January 4 – 6 killed in Wukari in Taraba
· January 4 – 1 killed in Gassol LGA, Taraba
· January 5 – 4 Killed in Lau LGA, Taraba
· January 5 – 15 killed in Tse Akombo, Tse Vii and Tse Agule vilages in Benue
· January 6 – 55 killed in Lau LGA in Taraba State
· January 8 – 3 killed in Sardauna LGA, Taraba
· January 8 – Two policemen killed in Logo, Benue State
· January 13 – 10 killed in Birnin Gwari LGA, Kaduna
· January 13 – 1 killed in Makurdi LGA, Benue
· January 14 – 1 killed in Bassa LGA, Plateau
· January 14 – 1 killed in Ibi LGA, Taraba
· January 16 – 5 killed in Madagali LGA, Adamawa
· January 16 – 5 killed in Guma, Logo and Okpokwu LGAs Benue
· January 18 – 11 killed in Madagali LGA, Adamawa
· January 21 – 1 killed in Barkin Ladi LGA, Plateau
· January 21 – 6 killed in Juman LGA, Adamawa
· January 23 – 9 killed in Ardo Kola, Adamawa
· January 24 – 4 killed in Kaiama, Kwara
· January 25 – 15 killed in Bassa LGA, Plateau
· January 26 – 3 killed in Bassa LGA, Plateau
· January 26 – 2 killed in Ukum, Benue
· January 29 – 1 killed in Guma, Benue
· January 31 – 1 killed in Jema’a LGA, Kaduna
· January 31 –9 killed in Birnin Gwari, Kaduna
· February 1 – 4 killed in Gassol, Taraba
· February 2 –10 killed in Song, Adamawa
· February 5 – 2 killed in Guma, Benue
· February 6 – 8 killed in Obi, Nasarawa
· February 8 – 6 killed in Shellen, Adamawa
· February 10 – 2 killed in Benue
· February 10 – 3 killed in Bassa, Plateau
· February 11 – 4 killed in Jema’a, Kaduna
· February 12 – 2 killed in Guma, Benue
· February 26 – 12 killed in Kajuru, Kaduna
· February 27 – 20 killed in Demsa, Adamawa
· March 1 – 15 killed in Saradauna, Taraba
· March 4 – 20 killed in Saradauna, Taraba
· March 5 – 25 killed in Okpokwu, Benue
· March 7 – 2 killed in Takum, Taraba
· March 8 – 11 killed in Bassa, Plateau
· March 9 – 9 killed in Bokkos, Plateau
· March 12 – 26 killed in Bassa, Plateau
· March 13 – 7 killed in Guma, Benue
· March 13 – 1 killed in Lokoja, Kogi
· March 14 – 32 killed in Daima/Omala, Kogi
· March 14 – 6 killed in Bassa, Plateau
· March 15 – 5 killed in Takum, Taraba
· March 19 –10 killed in Omala, Kogi
· March 20 – 11 killed in Birnin Gwari, Kaduna
· March 22 – 3 killed in Jos South, Plateau
· March 24 – 5 killed in Makurdi, Benue
· March 30 – 6 killed in Jema’a, Kaduna
· April 4 – 6 killed in Chikun, Kaduna
· April 4 – 4 killed in Takum, Taraba
· April 4 – 10 killed in Gwer West, Benue
· April 5 – 5 killed in Dobga, Taraba
· April 5 – 30 killed in Gwer West, Benue
· April 5 – 50 killed in Offa, Kwara*
· April 7 – 4 killed in Bali, Taraba
· April 7 – 2 killed in Agatu, Benue
· April 8 – 5 killed in Birkin Ladi, Plateau State
· April 8 – 5 murdered in Obi, Nasarawa
· April 8 – 4 killed in Keana, Nasarawa
· April 9 – 1 killed in Guma, Benue
· April 10 – 10 murdered in Benue
· April 10 – 51 killed in Wukari, Taraba
· April 12 – 2 killed in Markudi, Benue
· April 12 – 2 murdered in Birnin Gwari, Kaduna
· April 13 – 5 killed in Bassa, Kogi
· April 14 – 4 killed in Logo, Benue
· April 14 – 78 murdered in Obi, Nasarawa
· April 17 – 1 killed in Logo, Benue
· April 18 – 4 killed in Bassa, Plateau
· April 19 – 1 killed in Kutigi, Niger
· April 19 – 1 killed in Gwer West, Benue
· April 20 – 31 killed in Guma, Benue
· April 25 – 19 killed in Gwer East, Benue
· April 25 – 38 killed in Guma, Benue
· April 25 – 7 killed in Awe, Nassarawa
· April 28 – 14 killed in Birnin Gwari, Kaduna
· April 29 – 5 killed in Gwer West, Benue
There are 36 States in Nigeria. With the exception of the core Hausa-Fulani states, the killings have gone on with relish in the rest of the states. In the Middle-Belt area, as seen from the foregoing report, about 936 people were killed between January and April 2018.

The statistics above pertain to the killings in the Middle-belt states of Benue, Niger, Nassarawa and Plateau. So many other deaths have been largely unreported.  It would be right to say that “while Rome burned, Nero had not only fiddled away”, but in this case, has received accolades from a world that thrives on “fake news”.

*. The Choice of Pastor Osinbajo as Buhari’s Vice Presidential candidate The choice of Pastor Yemi Osinbajo, a Pastor of the Redeemed Christian Church of God, and a Professor of Law by the duo of Buhari and Tinubu was the greatest coup against the Body of Christ in Nigeria, and Nigerians in general. It deprived the Yoruba of the ability to see through what obviously was a scheme of the Hausa-Fulani to capture the Presidency, using them as willing tools. The most devastating of that ploy was to emasculate a section of the Church into voting Buhari, given the widespread belief that ailing Buhari might, midway into his term, go the way of Shehu Musa Yar’adua and drop the Presidency into the laps of another Yoruba man.

Well, Buhari has ‘ailed’ through his term thus far, but has disappointed the expectation of many. Unfortunately, Osinbajo’s presence in the Buhari Administration has, sort of legitimized most of the wrongdoings of the government, given that time and again, Pastor Osinbajo has tried to defend the indefensible.

Security in the light of the Fulani herdsmen onslaught
Security was tops of what candidate Buhari promised he was going to take permanent care of if elected. Just before the Presidential election in 2015, President Jonathan, in the realization that his reluctance to deal with Boko Haram decisively, instead of endearing him to the Hausa-Fulani and ensuring some votes from that ethnic zone, found out that such uninformed resolve had rather birthed the twin problem of Fulani-herdsmen who had become more emboldened in the killing spree throughout the length and breadth of the non-Fulani zones, notably the north-west, middle-belt and the entire south.

In the run up to the 2019 Presidential elections, the Buhari administration, in the opinion of most watchers of both the economy and the administration, has paid deaf ears to the butchery by Fulani-herdsmen, and had rather chosen to characterize such atrocities as ’’herders-farmers’’ clashes. He said that much during his meeting with President Trump in Washington DC recently.

The Buhari administration has sponsored three different bills in order to steam-role herdsmen objective, and ultimately the domination of Nigeria by his tribe, the Fulani. First was the Grazing Bill which sought to annex any parcel of land anywhere in the Federation on which any herdsman choses to graze and rest his cattle for the exclusive use of such herdsman. The bill backs such annexation with stipulations which make it impossible for a farmer or any land owner to have his day in court, let alone get back his land.

Next was the Grazing Colony Bill. This bill’s intent was for the Federal government to annex vast parcels of land all over the federation. Naturally, a plurality of the southern states, along with states in the north-east and middle-belt zones rejected the bill’s intent, and embarked on enacting anti-colony laws, just as they sought to introduce anti-grazing bill.

The third in the series and the most recent is the Waterways Bill which seeks to annex all lands close to the waterways in every part of the federation by the Federal government for the exclusive use of the cattle Fulani. The bill furthermore, as reported, would abrogate the Land Use Act. In essence, in spite of the fact that Nigeria earns about 90 percent of its foreign revenue from Crude Oil and Natural Gases, the Buhari Administration accords pride of place to cattle rearing and cattle herders who still employ the pre-historic, cattle rearing methods to the demands of the 21st Century. One is truly appalled at the thinking of this government which believes that as it was in 1914, so must it remain in 2018.

Rational thinking dictates that we should emulate systems that work. In every country in the developed world, individuals and farmsteads set up ranches where cattle are reared to produce more meat, cheese, and milk. Such considerations are never entertained by the Fulani; not even the intellectuals among them, since the end object of the itinerant cattle method is annexation and domination of other ethnic groups and their land.
There have been a series of developments and some still ongoing pertaining to some perceived resistance to the country-wide campaign of slaughter by Fulani herdsmen against the rest of the federation.The National Assembly was compelled to issue a resolution recently, citing its concern over the ongoing killins, and an implied resolve to ask questions of the executive over perceived lapses. Hereunder is a reproduction of the said resolutions:


The National Assembly held a Joint Executive Session today, Tuesday, June 5th, 2018, where lawmakers resolved as follows;

  1. The Security Agencies must be given marching orders to curtail the sustained killing of Nigerians across the country and protect lives and properties of Nigerians as this is the primaryduty of any responsible Government;

    2. The systematic harassment and humiliation by the Executive of perceived political opponents, people with contrary opinions including Legislators and Judiciary by the police and other security agencies must stop;

    3. There must be strict adherence to the Rule of Law and protection for all citizens by the President and his appointees;

    4. The President must be held accountable for the actions of his appointees and must be ready to sanction those that carry out any act which will ridicule or endanger our country and democracy;

    5. The Government should show sincerity in the fight against corruption by not being selective . It should also prosecute current appointees that have cases pending against them;

    6. The sanctity of the National Assembly should be protected and preserved by the Federal Government of Nigeria — by not interfering in its business and prosecuting those who invaded the Senate to seize the mace;

    7a. National Assembly should liaise with International Communities through the IPU, APU, ECOWAS, CPA, Parliament, Pan African Parliament, EU, UN, US congress and UK Parliament to secure our democracy;

    b. Democratic elections must be competitive and inclusive by removing the present reign of fear and intimidation particularly as we approach the forthcoming 2019 elections;

    8. The National Assembly will work closely with Civil Society Organisations, Trade Unions and NGOs to further deepen and protect our democracy;

    9. The President must take immediate steps to contain the growing level of unemployment and poverty in Nigeria especially now that we have advantage of the oil price having risen to $80 per barrel;

    10. Both chambers of the National Assembly hereby pass a vote of confidence on the Senate President and the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the entire leadership of the National Assembly;

    11. we reaffirm our earlier resolution of vote of no confidence on the Inspector General of Police who does nothing other than preside over the killing of innocent Nigerian and consistent framing up of perceived political opponents of the President and outright disregard for constitutional authority, both executive and legislative;

    12. Finally, the National Assembly will not hesitate to evoke its Constitutional powers if nothing is done to address the above resolutions passed today.”

Over the past two weeks, the Fulani militias were at it again, killing over a hundred souls in Benue State, and over two hundred men, women and children. Before the recent spate of killings in Benue and Plateau, the Catholic Bishops’ Conference  Fulani Militias

According to a report in David.Alton.Net, at a recent session of the United Kingdom’s House of Lords, the subject of the on-going ethnic cleansing in Nigeria was discussed under the title: Escalating Systematic Violence In Nigeria – Fulani Militias and Boko Haram Threaten The Future Of one of Africa’s Great Countries.

 In his contribution, Lord Alton of Liverpool said:peeches, articles and books from Lord David Alton


”Some local observers have gone so far as to describe the rising attacks as a campaign of ethno-religious cleansing. Armed with sophisticated weaponry, including AK47s and, in at least one case, a rocket launcher and rocket-propelled grenades, the Fulani militia have murdered more men, women and children in 2015, 2016 and 2017 than even Boko Haram, destroying, overrunning and seizing property and land, and displacing tens of thousands of people. This is organised and systematic. We must ask where this group of nomadic herdsmen is getting such sophisticated weaponry from. I wonder whether the Minister has had a chance to look into this; if not, will she give an undertaking to do so?

As I close, I thank the noble Lords who are participating in today’s debate and go back to where I began: to the more than 200 people, mostly women and children, who were killed in sustained attacks on 50 villages by armed Fulani militia just this past weekend. People are dying daily. On 18 June, the Archbishop of Abuja referred in the Telegraph to what he described as “territorial conquest” and “ethnic cleansing” and said:

‘The very survival of our nation is … at stake’.

This alone should serve as a wake-up call. Are we to watch one of Africa’s greatest countries go the way of Sudan? Will we be indifferent as radical forces sweep across the Sahel seeking to replace diversity and difference with a monochrome ideology that will be imposed with violence on those who refuse to comply? We must not wait for a genocide to happen, as it did in Rwanda. Ominously, history could very easily be repeated.” Nigeria, May 22th 2018 Christians demonstrating peaceful against

In his own contribution, Lord Chidgey said: ”As mentioned by the noble Lord, Lord Alton, on 24 March this year the respected former army chief of staff and Defence Minister, Lieutenant-General Theophilus Danjuma, stated that the armed forces were “not neutral” and that “they collude” in the “ethnic cleansing” of riverine states by the Fulani militia.

”Earlier this week, I too had the opportunity to meet with the honourable Kwewum Rimande Shawulu, courtesy of the advocacy organisation CSW. The honourable Shawulu is a member of the Nigerian federal House of Representatives in Taraba state. Among his wide-ranging writing and editorial activities, he is currently chair of the National Assembly Army Committee, which gives him unique insight into Nigeria’s current security challenges.

”In our discussions, he was able to rebut the claim that the anti-grazing laws are the cause of the spread of violence. The only states with anti-grazing laws are in fact Taraba, Benue and Ekiti, yet attacks have been occurring over 10 states. For example, in Plateau state, where there are no anti-grazing laws, there have been many killings, including last weekend, as mentioned by the noble Lord, Lord Alton, when over 200 civilians were reported killed. Interestingly, while there is some evidence that some of the violence has a religious dimension, the honourable Shawulu argued that the only affected area was Adamawa state, which is predominately Christian. Other areas with similar land and other resources have suffered no attacks, be they Christian or Muslim.” 

According to a report on the Plateau killings by, President Muhammadu Buhari on Monday, June 25, decried how desperate politicians have increasingly cheapened human life in their quest to establish a reign of instability and chaos in the country for political gains. President Buhari, who was reacting to recent clashes in Plateau, which left scores dead, said in a statement by his senior special assistant on media and publicity, Malam Garba Shehu, in Abuja, that those behind the killings hoped that it would give them an advantage in the coming elections. He said: “We know that a number of geographical and economic factors are contributing to the longstanding herdsmen/farmers clashes. But we also know that politicians are taking advantage of the situation. This is incredibly unfortunate. “Nigerians affected by the herdsmen/ farmer clashes must always allow the due process of the law to take its course rather than taking matters into their own hands.” Read more:

On our part, we find it difficult to conjecture how politicians on the opposite side of the political spectrum would benefit from the carnage the President’s clansmen have unleashed on the rest of the nation. We can’t speculate; instead, we await a lucid explanation from the Presidency.

On his own part, the Vice President, according to Chief Femi Fani-Kayode, in a tweet, said that “The farmer’s family that were killed by Fulanis will be given money. If your family member was affected, you qualify for the money” – Vice President Yemi Osinbajo.

We at The Property Gazette refuse to believe that a Professor of Law who appreciates what right to life and freedom of worship means; that a Pastor who appreciates the sanctity of life; and a Vice President who is literally a heartbeat away from the Presidency would dismiss the massacre of 200 souls with an offer of monetary compensation.

Finally, we look forward to Elections 2019 with renewed hope that Nigeria would be led out of the woods by a leadership which understands what governance is about; and that the hopes of 180 million Nigerians rests on their leadership. If nothing else, Nigeria craves a leadership that would emulate what leadership is about and reproduce the admirable, if need be. Equally, we look up to the United Nations and other Democratic Nations and Institutions to help preserve our Democracy by holding to account, those who scuff at democratic traditions, and think very little of human life.

Gabby Ogbechie, The Property Gazette

Follow me on: Twitter: @GabbyOgbechie1



Escalating Systematic Violence In Nigeria – Fulani Militias and Boko Haram Threaten The Future Of one of Africa’s Great Countries

4 Votes

Escalating Systematic Violence In Nigeria – Fulani Militias and Boko Haram Threaten The Future Of one of Africa’s Great Countries.

Nigeria, May 22th 2018 Christians demonstrating peaceful against

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28 June 2018

Question for Short Debate in the House of Lords

Asked by

    • To ask Her Majesty’s Government what assessment they have made of the continuing violence between communities and armed groups in Nigeria.

    • My Lords, the tragic topicality of today’s debate was underlined last weekend when more than 200 people were reported to have died in co-ordinated attacks on around 50 communities in Plateau state in Barkin Ladi. These attacks began on 22 June and lasted until 24 June. The majority of the victims were women and children. At one location, 120 were killed as they returned from the funeral of an elderly member of the Church of Christ in Nations. A dawn to dusk curfew was established and, as I heard first hand yesterday from the honourable Rimamnde Shawulu Kwewum, a member of the Nigerian Federal House of Representatives, the area remains tense. This most recent episode is shocking, but it is also the latest in an extended pattern of violence that has become all too common across Nigeria, particularly in the Middle Belt and increasingly in some of the more southern states.

      Last week Sam Brownback, the United States Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom, was in Nigeria. On a single day during his visit, there were six suicide bombings by Boko Haram, the largest number ever on any single day. As we will hear later from my noble—and courageous—friend Lady Cox, who has visited these areas, these attacks have been systematic and go on unabated.

      Human rights groups such as CSW have catalogued every reported attack. While it may not be definitive, the list attempts to provide as comprehensive a record as possible of known attacks and of the death toll in the Middle Belt during the first quarter of this year, underlining the critical need for urgent and effective intervention. I have sent many of these details to Ministers but in the interests of time I will just give the House a snapshot from a few days in April of this year. On 10 April, 10 people were killed in Ukum in Benue state. On 10 April, 51 were killed in Wukari, Taraba state. On 12 April, 41 were killed in Ukum, Benue state. On 12 April, two were killed in Makurdi in Benue state, and another 41 were killed in Ukum in Benue state.

      The charity Aid to the Church in Need, on whose board I sit in a pro bono capacity, has also documented appalling acts of violence, which I have sent to the Government. In April, during early morning mass, militants attacked the parish in Makurdi killing two priests and 17 members of the congregation. ACN has also highlighted the 15,000 orphans and 5,000 widows in the north-east—an area that has come under repeated attack from Boko Haram. I would be grateful to hear from the Minister what humanitarian aid we have been able to provide for victims.

      CSW reports that in the first quarter of 2018, Fulani herder militia perpetrated at least 106 attacks in central Nigeria. The death toll in these four months, purely from herder militia violence, stands at 1,061. An additional 11 attacks recorded on communities in the south of the country claimed a further 21 lives. One spokesman said: “It is purely a religious jihad in disguise”.

      There has certainly been a long history of disputes between nomadic herders and farming communities right across the Sahel, over land, grazing and scarce resources—I have visited places such as Darfur myself and have seen that at first hand. It is true that attacks by herder militia have, on occasion, led to retaliatory violence, as communities conclude that they can no longer rely on the Government for protection or justice. Between 1 January and 1 May this year, there were 60 such attacks. However, compared with the recent escalation in attacks by well-armed Fulani herders upon predominately Christian farming communities, the asymmetry is stark and must be acknowledged by the UK Government in their characterisation and narrative of this violence. Given the escalation, frequency, organisation and asymmetry of Fulani attacks, does the Minister believe that the references to “farmer-herder clashes” still suffice? In the face of the reports of violence collected by impartial human rights groups, there is no place here for, as it were, moral equivalence; nor is it sufficient for the Government merely to urge all sides to seek dialogue and avoid violence. I would urge the noble Baroness to revisit the narrative, conduct her own assessment and either confirm or dispute the data that I have given to the House already—I know other noble Lords will do the same.

      Some local observers have gone so far as to describe the rising attacks as a campaign of ethno-religious cleansing. Armed with sophisticated weaponry, including AK47s and, in at least one case, a rocket launcher and rocket-propelled grenades, the Fulani militia have murdered more men, women and children in 2015, 2016 and 2017 than even Boko Haram, destroying, overrunning and seizing property and land, and displacing tens of thousands of people. This is organised and systematic. We must ask where this group of nomadic herdsmen is getting such sophisticated weaponry from. I wonder whether the Minister has had a chance to look into this; if not, will she give an undertaking to do so?

      While recognising the complex, underlying causes of this violence, we must also acknowledge a growing degree of religious motivation behind the violence. The local chapter of the Christian Association of Nigeria recently revealed that herdsmen have destroyed over 500 churches in Benue state alone since 2011. Perhaps the Minister could also respond to reports that during many of these well-planned attacks by Fulani militia, their cattle are nowhere in sight, and they are often reported by survivors to have shouted “Allahu Akbar” during these attacks. Perhaps the Minister can comment on this undoubtedly sectarian aspect of the escalating violence.

      Beyond intermittent verbal condemnations, I cannot see much practical action that has been taken to end the violence, which has emboldened perpetrators even further. Moreover, in the light of such an inadequate response thus far, communities will begin—and indeed already are beginning—to feel that they can no longer rely on government for protection or justice, and a few take matters into their own hands. In the words of an Anglican canon in the Middle Belt, “Why do so many security service personnel spend their time guarding our politicians, rather than protecting our people?” I also put on record a recent statement to President Buhari issued by the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Nigeria. Among other things the statement said:

      “Since the President who appointed the Heads of the nation’s Security Agencies has refused to call them to order, even in the face of the chaos and barbarity into which our country has been plunged, we are left with no choice but to conclude that they are acting on a script that he approves of. If the President cannot keep our country safe, then he automatically loses the trust of the citizens. He should no longer continue to preside over the killing fields and mass graveyard that our country has become.”

      That is a pretty awesome statement from a bishops’ conference.

      Concern about partiality was also raised on 24 March, by the highly respected former army chief of staff and Defence Minister, Lieutenant General Theophilus Y Danjuma, who stated that the armed forces were, “not neutral; they collude” in the,

      “ethnic cleansing in … riverine states”,

      by Fulani militia. He insisted that villagers must defend themselves because,

      “depending on the armed forces”,

      will result in them dying,

      “one by one. The ethnic cleansing must stop … in all the states of Nigeria; otherwise Somalia will be a child’s play”.

      I would like to hear, therefore, what practical steps the UK Government are taking to work with the Government of Nigeria in developing effective solutions to bring an end to this escalating violence. Can the Minister tell us whether there is a strategic plan and what representations have been made directly? I know that finding solutions is complex, but there is nothing to stop the Minister calling on the Government of Nigeria to recalibrate security arrangements and to resource their forces as a matter of urgency, in order to offer sufficient protection to vulnerable communities.

      As I close, I thank the noble Lords who are participating in today’s debate and go back to where I began: to the more than 200 people, mostly women and children, who were killed in sustained attacks on 50 villages by armed Fulani militia just this past weekend. People are dying daily. On 18 June, the Archbishop of Abuja referred in the Telegraph to what he described as “territorial conquest” and “ethnic cleansing” and said:

      “The very survival of our nation is … at stake”.

      This alone should serve as a wake-up call. Are we to watch one of Africa’s greatest countries go the way of Sudan? Will we be indifferent as radical forces sweep across the Sahel seeking to replace diversity and difference with a monochrome ideology that will be imposed with violence on those who refuse to comply? We must not wait for a genocide to happen, as it did in Rwanda. Ominously, history could very easily be repeated.

    • My Lords, I thank the noble Lord, Lord Alton, for securing this, unfortunately timely, debate and declare an interest as project director of the Commonwealth Initiative for Freedom of Religion and Belief.

      While the focus in Nigeria was, for many years, on violence in the Niger Delta area over oil revenues or on the Boko Haram attacks in the north-east, the escalation of attacks between predominantly Christian farmers and predominantly Muslim Fulani herdsmen has gone underreported. As the noble Lord has outlined, in only the past week, as many as 200 Christian farmers were killed in central Plateau state, but the crisis between farmers and traditional herdsmen is not confined to Nigeria. Such violence extends across west Africa and the 2017 Global Terrorism Index estimates that more than 60,000 people have been killed across west Africa in clashes between Fulani herdsmen and settled communities since 2001. The Fulani are an ethnic group of about 20 million people across 20 west and central African countries. The causes of this violence are of course complex but include environmental reasons, religious motivation, terrorism and poor security services.

      As the ECOWAS 1998 cross-border transhumance agreement allows herders to move across borders in search of grazing lands, it is not surprising that reports in Nigeria suggest that Fulani are coming from multiple countries. So, in April this year, it was encouraging to note that a further ECOWAS summit was held to discuss the issue, which has led to discussions about changing this agreement to prevent the uncontrolled movement of potentially violent groups across borders. The ECOWAS countries are now co-operating and are particularly looking at greater investment in livestock management and a common agricultural policy. But banning cattle-grazing, as has happened in three Nigerian states, has to be incorporated within a wider plan. The foremost livestock producers’ group, the Miyetti-Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria has endorsed the Government’s 10-year national ranch development plan. Have Her Majesty’s Government been approached by ECOWAS or the Nigerian Government looking for Department for International Development expertise and resource to enact such a ranch plan?

      It is surely too simplistic to label these deaths as driven solely by desertification and competition for resources. While there have been attacks by Fulani herdsmen on Muslim farmers in Zamfara state, these are overwhelmingly outnumbered by attacks on Christians. Religious polarisation and extremism have helped to escalate violence in Nigeria to a greater degree than in other countries in the region. An existing conflict such as this and a strong ethno-religious identity has bought Fulani groups into wider jihadi movements, such as the largely Fulani terrorist group, FLM, which has joined with Islamic State. The FLM is apparently now seeking to bring the herdsmen’s grievances from Nigeria within its scope. Do Her Majesty’s Government agree that there has been an escalation in Nigeria of late? What do they believe are the causes and what is the extent of Boko Haram’s role in this? Are Boko Haram militants part of these attacks? It might explain the numerous reports, outlined by the noble Lord, Lord Alton, of attacks with no cattle in sight. Is Boko Haram itself now part of a wider terrorist network?

      Parliamentarians and religious leaders have an important role in resolving this conflict and the Commonwealth Initiative for Freedom of Religion and Belief’s conference last month for faith leaders and parliamentarians in Accra highlighted the wealth of resources available across west African Commonwealth countries. Ghana, Sierra Leone and Gambia offer superb examples of how to utilise faith and parliamentary leaders in calming religious tensions and addressing narratives of religious extremism, which will be vital to securing long-term peace in Nigeria.

      In the short term, the easy accessibility to an estimated 380 million unregistered small firearms in Nigeria, roughly two guns per person, is a key factor in the scale of the deaths. These arms are looted from the army or black market sources across west Africa. Parliamentarians in Nigeria are currently trying to co-ordinate a meeting of regional parliamentarians connected to their respective security committees to discuss ways of checking the flow of arms around the region. Could the Minister outline whether the Secretary-General of the Commonwealth, the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association or the Inter-Parliamentary Union can be resourced to help this important parliamentary initiative?

      The potential for this violence to spread is of concern to us all and I suspect some of the victims are relatives of British Nigerian diaspora, but the 2019 presidential and parliamentary elections in Nigeria provide the best opportunity for Nigerians themselves to demand their Government deal with this crisis. On my one visit to Nigeria, I witnessed that talk radio, civil society and religious groups in the south, especially churches, are hugely influential. I had the privilege of addressing an audience of 1 million people physically there. I hope the Nigerians, especially Nigerian Christians, will realise that much more of the solution is in their hands than they perhaps realise.

    • My Lords, I too congratulate the noble Lord, Lord Alton, and the noble Baroness, Lady Berridge, on their contributions, and thank the noble Lord, Lord Alton, for bringing this subject to us today. There has been a long history of disputes between nomadic herders and farming communities across the Sahel. In Nigeria, attacks are now occurring with such frequency, organisation and asymmetry, as mentioned by the noble Lord, Lord Alton, that references to “farmer-herder clashes” are wholly inadequate. Armed with relatively sophisticated weaponry, particularly AK47s, the Fulani herder militia is thought to have murdered more men, women and children, between 2015 and 2017, than Boko Haram.

      It has overrun and seized property and land, and displaced tens of thousands of people. In 2017, herder militia claimed 808 lives in 53 villages in southern Kaduna alone, burning down over 1,400 houses. As pointed out by the noble Baroness, Lady Berridge, during most of these well-planned attacks, herders’ cattle were nowhere in sight. Over 180,000 people in Benue state are currently living in IDP camps because the herder militia violence has displaced them. More than 500,000 displaced people are living in temporary accommodation, and over 80,000 school-age children are living in IDP camps with no access to education.

      Attacks continue unabated, with seemingly little government action. This has entrenched impunity. Apart from verbal condemnations, there has been no action to end the violence. No attacker has been brought to justice. With perpetrators emboldened, attacks by herder militia have now spread to southern Nigeria. No longer able to rely on the Government for protection or justice, communities are seeing a growth in vigilantism and retaliatory justice. The growth in murders of villagers and community leaders in Benue has also led to calls for President Buhari to consider his position, and for the reassessment of security arrangements as a matter of urgency.

      As mentioned by the noble Lord, Lord Alton, on 24 March this year the respected former army chief of staff and Defence Minister, Lieutenant-General Theophilus Danjuma, stated that the armed forces were “not neutral” and that “they collude” in the “ethnic cleansing” of riverine states by the Fulani militia.

      Earlier this week, I too had the opportunity to meet with the honourable Kwewum Rimande Shawulu, courtesy of the advocacy organisation CSW. The honourable Shawulu is a member of the Nigerian federal House of Representatives in Taraba state. Among his wide-ranging writing and editorial activities, he is currently chair of the National Assembly Army Committee, which gives him unique insight into Nigeria’s current security challenges.

      In our discussions, he was able to rebut the claim that the anti-grazing laws are the cause of the spread of violence. The only states with anti-grazing laws are in fact Taraba, Benue and Ekiti, yet attacks have been occurring over 10 states. For example, in Plateau state, where there are no anti-grazing laws, there have been many killings, including last weekend, as mentioned by the noble Lord, Lord Alton, when over 200 civilians were reported killed. Interestingly, while there is some evidence that some of the violence has a religious dimension, the honourable Shawulu argued that the only affected area was Adamawa state, which is predominately Christian. Other areas with similar land and other resources have suffered no attacks, be they Christian or Muslim.

      The overriding concern is that the growing instability and lawlessness in the region is providing fertile ground for kidnapping, banditry and terrorism with impunity. If this is not addressed, there is a real danger that the activities of Boko Haram, ISIS and similar terrorist groups could penetrate and destabilise the whole region. If not addressed, this could create a conflict and humanitarian crisis on a scale that would engage the international community, the UN Security Council and the UK. The prospect of terrorist cells spreading through Nigeria, Africa’s most populous state, and to territories beyond to threaten Europe cannot lightly be dismissed.

      I urge the Government to act now, working alongside their Nigerian counterparts and fellow Commonwealth members, particularly while the UK holds the post-CHOGM Chair-in-Office. I suggest that DfID might examine the aid programme to Nigeria to ensure that provision is made for the communities that have been victims of the Fulani attacks. It should also ensure that minority communities in the north affected by Boko Haram attacks have access to humanitarian aid. There are also issues such as collective Commonwealth support in promoting the non-discriminatory and “even” application of the law to restore and strengthen faith in the law.

      The attacks the Nigerian people are suffering can surely be mitigated, if not eroded, with the support of the agencies of the UN, the United Kingdom and the Commonwealth, the faith community and international NGOs. Can the Minister, in her response or in writing, set out how the UK might plan to play a primary role in such a venture?

    • My Lords, I join with others in thanking the noble Lord, Lord Alton, for securing a debate on the serious situation that threatens the very stability of Nigeria. With the noble Lord I deplore the violence and, with other noble Lords and indeed the victims themselves, some of whom have been in contact with many of us this week, I call on Her Majesty’s Government to use their influence on the Nigerian Government to ensure the security of their people and to bring the violence to an end.

      The violence here and in other extreme situations is symptomatic of underlying issues in Nigerian society, ranging from security to justice to employment to the exclusion of children from education through poverty, and even including the effects of desertification and the epidemic of drug abuse. They all have their part to play. At a more fundamental level still is the distance between the demands of the constitution and the daily lives of many Nigerian people. Intercommunal and interreligious violence of any sort has no root in Nigeria’s constitution. Rather, the constitution is a challenge to political leaders to apply it and to local religious and civic leaders to respect it.

      I would like to focus on the importance of unbiased public information across Nigeria, whether through traditional media, social media, formal education, private or state, or informal religious education, in order to build resilience into communities in a way that protects against malign political manipulation of religious identities and nurtures respect and reconciliation between peoples. As shown by another CSW report, Faith and a Future, education impacts on other human rights and,

      “can either create a culture of tolerance or fuel stereotyping, animosity and extremism”.

      That is surely happening in Nigeria, certainly in the northern and central states, and probably in the south as well. Unfair representations of the other, especially the religious other, are a powerful source of energy for the political purposes of those who seek to gain influence and power. They are not difficult to access and then use to fuel the fires of fear on which hatred thrives and violence depends. Fair, truthful, unbiased education in all its forms has its own greater power to resist the engine of hatred and starve the forces of violence.

      Amidst the tragic realities of the suffering of minorities in Nigeria, the appalling suffering of Christians in the northern states to which other noble Lords have drawn graphic attention, the suffering of Muslims caused by reprisals from Christian communities, the prejudice towards Shia Muslims, and even, as we have heard, the wanton murder of Fulani men going about their lawful business en route to cattle markets—amidst the terror of all this suffering, good education in all its forms offers hope for the future. The federal and state Governments have levers they can use—especially in formal education, both private and public—to improve the quality of education as a power for good and not for harm.

      Education operates in many forms, but my remaining comments will focus on the content, conduct and character of education within schools, private and state. My interest is in how the religious and ethnic other is portrayed. This includes not only the content of religious education that students receive about their own religion and the religious and ethnic identity of others but the way that content is taught, the way people from minority communities are themselves treated in schools—whether they are afforded their full constitutional rights—together with the character of the educational experience throughout the school: is it cultivating a culture of respect? My understanding is that each state education department has an inspectorate division. This gives a strong lever to monitor the delivery of education according to the principles of the constitution and the guidelines set at federal level.

      There are some hopeful signs on the ground. The governor of Kaduna state is pursuing a thorough process of educational reform in which he recently dismissed large numbers of unsuitable teachers and recruited even larger numbers of qualified teachers, increasing their allowances to incentivise teachers to work in rural areas. So I conclude by asking the Minister whether Her Majesty’s Government have offered their assistance to state governors who seek to raise the standards of education to a higher level, not only of academic achievement but of more religiously responsible citizenship, and to monitor it rigorously.

    • My Lords, I thank the noble Lord, Lord Alton, for tabling this timely debate.

      As we have heard, historically attention has been focused in the north of Nigeria, with the much-reported rising number of attacks by Boko Haram. But over this last weekend, as we have also heard, violence between the mostly Muslim Fulani herdsmen and Christian farmers in central Nigeria, the middle belt, killed 200 people and destroyed countless houses. I share the concern of the noble Lord, Lord Alton, about escalating religious violence against Christians and violations of freedom of religion and belief, which are largely unaddressed by the state.

      Ethnic and religious relations in Nigeria have always been a delicate balancing act, but these ongoing tensions with this outbreak of violence are as much products of poverty and inequality across the country as they are of deep-seated division. If we want to address issues of safety and security in Nigeria, we also need to address the inequality that modern Nigeria faces. Almost 87 million people in Nigeria live in extreme poverty, on $1.90 a day or less, and this number has increased over time, making Nigeria the country with the highest number of people in extreme poverty in the world. Nigerian government figures show that between 1980 and 2010, the number of people in poverty increased by 153%, with nearly 5 million people facing food insecurity and 49% of the younger generation either unemployed or underemployed. I refer to the register of Members’ interests when I point out that Nigeria sits as the 128th of 149 countries in the Legatum Prosperity Index, with particularly low scores in safety and security, economic quality and health.

      However, between 2000 and 2015 the number of millionaires in Nigeria increased by over 300%, and Nigeria has had an average economic growth of 7% annually since 2004. This story is an indictment of successive Nigerian Governments’ failure to manage the country’s wealth, and of a deeply ingrained culture of corruption. The Nigerian National Bureau of Statistics estimates that small-scale bribery, for example to facilitate bureaucratic tasks, amounts to $4.6 billion a year.

      Nigeria’s poverty is significantly more profound in the mostly Muslim north of the country, with 2010 figures showing 74% of the population of the north in poverty—20% higher than in the mostly Christian south. This division is exacerbated by an educational and investment divide between the north and south. The challenge to avoid clashes along existing lines of tension as a result of this is a great one.

      In addition, the Boko Haram insurgency has had an enormous impact in north-eastern Nigeria in particular, with 20,000 dead since 2009 and at least 2 million people displaced. The Nigerian military, as we have heard, has shown itself to be ill equipped to deal with this insurgency, and, despite the Nigerian Government’s claims that Boko Haram is in retreat, these statements have only been followed by an increase in attacks. The group still poses a significant threat to the stability of this region.

      Those who have been displaced in north-eastern Nigeria number nearly 2 million, in addition to 200,000 Nigerians in neighbouring countries. This situation is a continuing humanitarian crisis, which the Nigerian Government have also shown themselves ill equipped to tackle, leading to the establishing of major internally displaced people camps. However, the situation in these Nigerian refugee camps is appalling, with outbreaks of cholera, crippling shortages of food and water, and reports of up to 30 armed attacks a month on refugee camps in 2017. Far from being places of refuge, the crowded camps have been made into death traps as Boko Haram seeks soft targets.

      With the UK Government now committing to aid funding of £200 million over the next four years, compared to the £100 million we committed to in 2017, will the Minister outline how the Government are intending to use this money effectively to focus on the key priorities that affect the country? This latest spate of violence only shows how urgent the need to address inequality is, and with next year’s presidential elections looming it is essential to ensure that the situation is stabilised so that the election is conducted in a safe environment.

      We know what leads to prosperity in a nation. It is stable government that is free of corruption; safety and security; a good business environment; and strong skills development. I ask the Minister in particular to outline the balance of aid between a humanitarian response and support for the long-term nation-building response.

    • My Lords, I too congratulate my noble friend Lord Alton on securing this debate at this tragically critical time. Over recent decades there have been numerous attacks on Christians in the northern states, where sharia law has been established, as well as in Plateau state in the central belt. Thousands of Christians have been killed, hundreds of churches burned, and homes destroyed. The tragedies escalated with the rise of Boko Haram, which also killed Muslims who did not accept its Islamist ideology.

      I have visited many times and seen the tragedies of death and destruction in Bauchi, Kano and Plateau states. But more recently, as other noble Lords have described, there has been a very disturbing change in the behaviour of the Fulani herdsmen. Since time immemorial, they have driven their huge herds of cattle through other people’s lands, causing tensions and some violence, but traditionally, they have moved on. However, in the last two to three years they have adopted a new policy: attacking Christian villages, killing local people, destroying homes, driving villagers off their lands and settling in their place. Now there has been this recent escalation of attacks on Christian villages by the Fulani, with, as other noble Lords have highlighted, over 200 civilians killed in Plateau state just last weekend. The Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria has claimed responsibility for the attack.

      Last time I was in Nigeria, I visited four villages which had been destroyed by Fulani. I stood in the rubble of the pastor’s home where he had been slaughtered, and I saw the huge numbers of Fulani cattle roaming through the destroyed villages. There are concerns that the Fulani militants are now so well armed that they are possibly fighting a proxy war for Boko Haram, with the shared agenda of driving Christians out of their homelands in northern and central-belt Nigeria.

      Time allows only a few examples of quotations from local people, but they are indicative of many more. They provided first-hand evidence of the horror and terror now prevailing in these areas. This is one quote:

      “Fulani herdsmen, yesterday 23 June, on a rampage, attacked about 10 villages; ‘in Nghar village alone, about 70 corpses were recovered as the entire village was razed down’”.

      This is another:

      “The attack last night was vicious … armed Fulani men dressed/masked in black entered Rasak & Gana Ropp villages, shooting randomly … The house of one … family … was surrounded & directly attacked … the Fulani were shooting into the house … as they shouted ‘Allahu Akbar!’”

      This is another:

      “Other villages in the area … were completely sacked by the armed herders. Survivors from the attacks from these ‘villages are believed to still be hiding in the bushes’”.

      Over 60 people are known to have been killed there.

      This is another quote:

      “The attacks are continuing in other villages and in Gashish. As of 6 pm, at least 30 people were feared dead with several houses and cars razed down”.

      This is my last example:

      “In a continuing killing spree, Islamic Fulani cattle herdsmen killed eight people in Bassa local council, near Jos. From Sunday 17 June, till today (20th June) we have had no peace in the villages around here … all these villages have been attacked one after the other in three days”.

      Archbishop Benjamin Kwashi, who had taken custody of a baby whose mother was killed, said:

      “I am in tears because I have taken a child whose mother was shot dead. A family of four killed, another two young men shot dead and so on … Where are those who will protect the poor? Where is the leadership? It is a week and three days now with daily killings of poor unarmed and unprotected citizens of Plateau State”.

      Related concerns expressed by local people include the interpretation of the situation as intercommunal attacks, with both sides being equally guilty. One resident said:

      “It is annoying when politicians say this is a clash between herdsmen and farmers. I ask, how does a woman farming in her own farm clash with Fulanis carrying AK-47s?”

      Other concerns include: failure of security services to protect civilians; impunity, with no one responsible for the killings being called to account; the escalation in the number of internally displaced peoples; and the destruction of crops, which are the livelihood of local people.

      I want to make three requests of the Minister. Will Her Majesty’s Government make representations to the Government of Nigeria to take effective action to protect all their citizens and to call to account those who have been perpetrating atrocities? Will Her Majesty’s Government work with the high commission to ensure that adequate humanitarian aid is available for those suffering the loss of family members and the destruction of their homes and crops, and forced to become IDPs? Will Her Majesty’s Government urge the Nigerian Government to undertake an investigation into the ethnic and religious persecution of the affected people and the operation of the Nigerian army during these attacks?

      There is real fear that these developments are part of a strategy by Islamist fundamentalists to drive Christians out of their traditional homelands in northern and central-belt regions of Nigeria. I urge Her Majesty’s Government to respond appropriately to the very real possibility of religious cleansing.

    • My Lords, the human rights situation in Nigeria has deteriorated significantly in recent years, with a particular surge in attacks by non-state actors—notably armed Fulani herdsmen, also known as the Fulani militia.

      Successive Governments have failed to respond effectively, and the violence perpetrated has increased exponentially. Although ongoing in central Nigeria since 2011, attacks spiralled following President Buhari’s inauguration in May 2015, with states experiencing intense violence in a cyclical manner. Such attacks by increasingly well-armed herdsmen on farming communities in the states of Adamawa, Benue, Kaduna, Nasarawa, Plateau and Taraba now occur with frequency, precision and asymmetric violence, rendering references to “farmer-herder clashes” obsolete.

      Although far from exhaustive, the following events, documented by Christian Solidarity Worldwide, give a powerful insight into the growing problems. Over 150 villagers were killed in Adamawa state in attacks in the run-up to Christmas 2017. During the festive season, villages in southern Kaduna, Benue and Adamawa were then attacked; churches were destroyed and villagers were killed and mutilated. On 24 December 2017, in southern Kaduna state, four villagers were killed as people gathered in the square of Nindem village, in the Godogodo district of the Jema’a local government area, in the evening to sing carols. A female choir singer was shot in the mouth and maimed horribly.

      As the new year dawned, Fulani gunmen invaded the home of a traditional ruler in Arak, in the Sanga local government area in the southern part of Kaduna state, killing him and his pregnant wife. Gambo Makama and his wife are reported to have died at around 12.05 am. Their son was also shot, but survived and was hospitalised. Then, 2018 began with an attack by Fulani herdsmen on the Guma and Logo local government areas of Benue state, in which 73 villagers were massacred. At least 1,061 people are thought to have died in the first quarter of this month. Just this past weekend we saw the most recent terrible episode of violence in Plateau state, with over 200 people—mainly women and children—reported to have been killed.

      The situation has been exacerbated by inadequate government action which has enabled attacks to continue unabated. Beyond intermittent words of condemnation, the Government have failed to formulate effective strategies to address this violence. This has entrenched impunity and emboldened perpetrators even further, leading to a growth in vigilantism and periodic retaliatory violence, as communities conclude they can no longer rely on government for protection or justice. However, this retaliatory violence is by no means symmetrical—the first quarter of the year saw 106 attacks by the herder militia in central Nigeria, while seven attacks within that timeframe on Fulani herders or communities claimed 61 lives.

      The number of attacks and casualties is staggering, and our Government must recognise the considerable escalation in the regularity, scale and intensity of the attacks by Fulani militia on these communities in central Nigeria. We must commit to doing more to encourage and support the federal and state governments to provide protection to those who live in constant threat of attack by a force that constitutes a major threat to national security. As a matter of urgency, we must encourage the formulation of a comprehensive and holistic security strategy that adequately resources the security forces to address this and other sources of violence. Can the Minister provide assurances of action? Will the UK Government do all they can to work with the Government of Nigeria, encouraging them to be more proactive in ending this appalling violence and to protect these vulnerable communities living in constant fear for their lives?

    • My Lords, I too thank the noble Lord, Lord Alton, for introducing the debate. It is impossible to capture every aspect of this complicated situation in such a short debate, but I will briefly touch on the battle against Boko Haram, which is responsible for killing or displacing many thousands of people; multiple accounts, dating back over several years, of sexual attacks by Nigerian forces against women in refugee camps; and violence between herders and farmers, which increasingly resembles ethno-religious cleansing. Addressing multiple forms of violence presents a significant challenge to the Nigerian state, but this cannot and must not become an excuse for inaction.

      The situation in Nigeria is equally challenging for countries such as ours. We have a moral duty to help, but we must ensure that such help is effective and is mindful of the various sensitivities involved. Can the Minister inform the House what assessment has been made of the UK’s capacity to provide additional assistance to Nigeria and what forms that may take?

      The UK rightly provides training to support the fight against Boko Haram. We should continue to provide that training, but recent events highlight the need for us to also play the role of a critical friend. A fortnight ago, at least 31 people were killed by blasts in Borno State after the chief of the Nigerian army incorrectly told displaced residents that the militants had been defeated and it was safe to return home.

      There are long-standing allegations, backed up by NGOs such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, that Nigerian soldiers have sexually assaulted vulnerable refugee women. What representations have the Government made to Nigerian counterparts in the light of recent events and allegations involving the country’s military?

      Historically, the struggle between Fulani herders and settled farmers has been a result of competition for resources. Christian Solidarity Worldwide note that,

      “attacks … are … occurring with such frequency, organisation and asymmetry”,

      that references to farmer-herder “clashes” no longer suffices. Despite the herder militia taking more lives during 2015, 2016 and 2017 than Boko Haram, President Buhari, who belongs to the same ethnic group, has been accused of turning a blind eye. Last month, NGOs co-ordinated a minute’s silence to remember 1,917 people killed by herders and armed bandits between January and May of this year. Concerns have been raised about freedom of expression, with some journalists prosecuted for hate speech after reporting the militia’s actions. Can the Minister confirm whether this conflict and its impact on Nigerian civil society were discussed when the Prime Minister met President Buhari in April? With some arguing that the conflict is being exacerbated by droughts, how are the Government tracking and responding to climate-related conflict across the globe?

      I urge the Government to provide practical support to Nigeria that promotes peace and security, supports equitable economic growth, and builds the state’s capacity for the future. As we so often see in other parts of the world, it is only by creating the right societal conditions that Nigeria can overcome religious extremism, promote tolerance and limit the scope for the types of violence that have claimed too many lives in recent years.

  • My Lords, I thank the noble Lord, Lord Alton, for tabling this debate and for his long-standing interest in community relations. I also thank all noble Lords for their contributions this afternoon. I welcome the opportunity to give the Government’s assessment of the situation in Nigeria and to update noble Lords on United Kingdom action.

    It goes without saying that the Government regard the situation in Nigeria as both challenging and deeply disturbing. There are a number of issues at play which are having serious humanitarian consequences. The first are the actions of Boko Haram, of which many noble Lords will sadly be aware. Boko Haram claims to represent Islam, but its interpretation could not be further from the spirit of that peaceful religion. It attacks Nigerians of all faiths who do not subscribe to its extremist views. Its activity—the abduction of schoolgirls and the killings in which it has engaged—is appalling. Its actions have caused immense suffering in Nigeria and neighbouring countries in both Christian and Muslim communities. We assess that the majority of its victims are Muslim. Nearly 2.5 million people have been forced to flee their homes. Boko Haram and its splinter faction, Islamic State West Africa, remain a threat to regional security. Achieving a long-term solution requires non-military measures to improve security and enable economic growth.

    The other worrying issue to which many noble Lords referred and the noble Lord, Lord Alton, particularly covered in his speech, is the violence between farmers and herdsmen in various areas across Nigeria, and in the Middle Belt in particular, where attacks are carried out by herders on farmers, and vice versa. The noble Lord, Lord Alton, raised the question: does the description “farmer-herdsmen” suffice? This was a point also raised by the noble Lord, Lord Chidgey, and the noble Baroness, Lady Cox. The description “farmer-herdsmen” is broadly correct, but it does not fully represent the complexity of the situation. Violence has escalated over the past year—the reasons for this are many—but we are not aware of evidence to support the view that religion is driving this conflict.

    The other worrying issue is the extent of recent attacks. In an attack by farmers on herder settlements in Mambilla Plateau in June 2017, over 800 people were killed—the majority of them women and children. We are concerned by the increasing violence in recent months. Just last weekend reprisal attacks by herdsmen on farming settlements resulted in at least 86 fatalities—it may be more than that. My noble friend Lord Suri and the noble Baroness, Lady Cox, very poignantly described the horrific nature of this violence.

    As my noble friend Lady Berridge described eloquently, this is complex and it is far reaching. My noble friend Lord Ahmad noted in this House on 26 March that the causes of these clashes are complex. They relate to land, farming rights, grazing routes and access to water. The situation is not helped by a narrative which overplays the ethno-religious dimensions and oversimplifies a complex picture, conflating criminal violence, caused by cattle rustlers and bandits, for example, with community clashes.

    The noble Lord, Lord Alton, asked where the weapons are coming from. Regrettably, one suspects there is a widespread availability of weapons; I thought that my noble friend Lady Berridge encapsulated the extent of that problem, as did the noble Lord, Lord Chidgey. In reality, religious extremism or sectarianism is not a key underlying cause of this violence and it would be wrong to conflate these land and water disputes with Boko Haram’s actions.

    As Nigeria prepares for elections in 2019 there is a real risk that, without serious effort being made to stem the violence and address the root causes, the conflict between herders and farmers will worsen and become increasingly politicised, threatening peaceful solutions and elections in some states. That is why it is so important that Nigeria not only works to improve the situation in the north-east, but also works to address the causes of the violence between farmers and herders. It is imperative that there is a de-escalation of violence across all affected states. In this context, we welcome President Buhari’s recent commitment to protect the lives and property of all Nigerians and prevent the stoking of religious conflict.

    My noble friend Lady Berridge specifically asked about a ranch plan and whether the UK has been engaged with this aspect. We are aware of the Nigerian Government’s proposals for creating cattle ranches for Fulani herdsmen and we are encouraging them to respect the rights and interests of all parties in finding solutions to this conflict.

    As many, if not all, contributors have identified, all of this is causing a humanitarian crisis. In north-east Nigeria, 7.7 million people are in need of urgent, life-saving assistance and 1.8 million are displaced. This humanitarian crisis is a direct result of the fragile security situation caused by Boko Haram. My noble friend Lady Stroud spoke with authority on the levels of privation and the challenges that poses.

    Very specifically, the noble Lords, Lord Alton, Lord Tunnicliffe, Lord Chidgey, and my noble friends Lady Stroud and Lord Suri, all raised the issue of UK action. The United Kingdom is playing a leading role in helping the Nigerian Government to address immediate humanitarian needs. We have increased our aid funding to £300 million over the next five years. We provide assistance on the basis of need, irrespective of race, religion or ethnicity, and in line with the international humanitarian principles. Last year our support reached more than 1 million people, including children, women and the disabled. We are also fully committed to supporting Nigeria’s efforts to tackle Boko Haram. We have provided intelligence analysis and training for the Nigerian military. With regard to farmer-herder violence, we encourage and support mediation by the state, local government and traditional authorities to defuse community tensions.

    The right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Coventry referred to education and its importance. I could not agree more. DfID programmes are supporting improvements in the quality of education and increasing access for disadvantaged boys and girls to get education, focusing on three states in the north of the country where human development outcomes are particularly poor.

    A number of contributors, not least the noble Lord, Lord Tunnicliffe, and my noble friend Lady Stroud asked what the balance is between humanitarian and development programmes from that spend. As I said earlier, DfID will spend £273 million this year, balanced between shorter-term humanitarian aid and longer-term support to help the Government of Nigeria to improve basic services, and to increase levels of prosperity and standards of good governance. For example, 1.8 million people gained access to clean water and/or sanitation between 2015 and 2017 through DfID programmes and 260,000 additional women and girls are using modern methods of family planning.

    The noble Lord, Lord Tunnicliffe, and my noble friend Lady Stroud also asked what assessment has been made of the UK’s capacity to provide additional assistance. I think I have covered that with my response in describing what that £273 million is intended to support.

    The noble Lords, Lord Alton, Lord Chidgey and Lord Tunnicliffe, the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Coventry and the noble Baroness, Lady Cox, all asked what representations the Government have made to Nigerian counterparts in the light of recent events and allegations involving the country’s military. The military training and assistance provided by the UK for the armed forces of Nigeria have consistently emphasised the importance of adherence to internationally recognised rules of engagement as well as the importance of international human rights and international humanitarian law. All our military capacity-building support is delivered in line with HM Government Overseas Security and Justice Assistance Guidance to mitigate the risk of human rights violations. We are concerned about Amnesty International’s report alleging sexual abuses by members of the Nigerian security services. We have made clear to the Nigerian authorities the importance of protecting civilians in conflict and detention.

    The noble Lord, Lord Tunnicliffe, and the noble Baroness, Lady Cox, also asked whether this conflict and its impact were discussed when the Prime Minister met President Buhari in April. They discussed a number of issues, including security threats faced by the Nigerian people. The focus of these discussions was the conflict with Boko Haram and Islamic State West Africa in north-east Nigeria and the abduction of the Chibok and Dapchi girls.

    The noble Lord, Lord Tunnicliffe, also raised climate change and the argument that the conflict is being exacerbated by droughts. Climate change is having a negative effect in Nigeria, particularly in the north, where desertification is increasing. We are currently reviewing the support we are providing to help Nigeria to tackle the effects of climate change.

    A final couple of points were raised by my noble friend Lady Berridge and the noble Baroness, Lady Cox, about freedom of religion and belief, and by the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Coventry and my noble friend Lady Stroud. Foreign and Commonwealth Office officials have also raised this issue and tensions between religious communities specifically with state officials in Borno and Yobe during a visit there in May.

    The noble Lord, Lord Chidgey, and my noble friend Lady Berridge referred to the Commonwealth. I understand that there is no involvement with the Commonwealth at the moment. The Nigerian Government have not asked for assistance from the Commonwealth or from other countries.

    It is imperative that the Nigerian Government address the violence and instability in both the north-east and the Middle Belt areas of the country. They need urgently to put in place long-term solutions that lay the foundations for a sustainable and peaceful future for all communities. The United Kingdom will continue to provide support to the Government of Nigeria in their efforts to build that future. I thank noble Lords for ensuring that this deeply troubling situation remains the subject of continuing discussion.


    .ACN News: Thursday, 28th June 2018 – NIGERIA

    Nigeria, May 22th 2018 Christians demonstrating peaceful against

    Christians demonstrating peacefully in May against violence in Mbalom, Benue State (Credit: ACN)

    Bishop: Threat of genocide against Christians

    • Prelate calls on West to act over “ethnic cleansing”  


    By Murcadha O Flaherty and John Pontifex


    A BISHOP in Nigeria has warned of the threat of genocide against Christians in the country’s Middle Belt region, describing an upsurge of violence by militant Fulani herdsmen as “ethnic cleansing”.

    Bishop William Avenya of Gboko told Aid to the Church in Need, the Catholic charity for persecuted Christians, of growing fears amid reports that, so far this year, 492 people have died in his state of Benue, which has a Christian-majority population.

    In an appeal to the international community, he told ACN: “Don’t wait for the genocide to happen before intervening…

    “Please don’t make the same mistake as was made with the genocide in Rwanda.

    “It happened beneath our noses, but no one stopped it. And we know well how that ended.”

    Local reports yesterday (Wednesday, 27th June) said extremists “slaughtered more than 200 people” in 10 mainly Christian communities near the city of Jos, although police said there were only 86 fatalities.

    In his ACN interview, Bishop Avenya went on to say of the militant Fulani: “They are criminals and terrorists, but they do not do the same things in the majority Muslim areas.

    “We are convinced that what is happening is an ethnic cleansing of Christians.”

    His comments come after other senior Church figures from the region described the militant Fulani campaign as a “clear agenda of Islamising the Nigerian Middle Belt”.

    They include two other prelates from Benue State – Bishop Peter Adoboh of Katsina-Ala, Bishop Wilfred Anagbe of Makurdi – and Bishop Matthew Audu of Lafia, from nearby Nassarawa state.

    According to research by Christian persecution charity Open Doors, between May 2016 and September 2017, as many as 725 people died in violence in the Middle Belt’s southern Kaduna region – 98 percent of them Christians.

    Bishop Avenya described Nigeria-wide peace demonstrations on 22nd May and called on the West to save lives in the country, saying: “Our faithful are being murdered or forced to live as refugees as a result of the violence.

    “And the West continues to view the matter of the Fulani as merely an internal problem.”

    His comments come after the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Nigeria (CBCN) issued a statement calling on President Muhammadu Buhari to consider resigning for alleged inaction in response to what the CBCN called “the killing fields and mass graveyard that our country has become”.

    Bishop Avenya also spoke of the supply of weaponry now used by militant Fulani

    He said: “At one time these pastoralists were armed only with sticks.

    “But now they are armed with AK-47 rifles – expensive weapons that they could not possibly afford. So who is supplying them?”

    He added: “And besides, in these areas there are checkpoints every two kilometres. Is it possible that armed men followed by their flocks of cattle could have somehow become invisible?”

    The United States Commission on International Religious Freedom’s 2018 report found that “herder-farmer conflicts and ethnoreligious tensions continued to rise… [with] increased reports of concerns of an ethnic cleansing campaign against Christian communities”.


    For more information, contact ACN UK Head of Press and Information John Pontifex on 020 8661 5161 or ACN Press and Digital Media Officer Murcadha O Flaherty on 020 8661 5175.

Zimbabwe’s President Survives Apparent Assassination Attempt

One dead in similar attack at Ethiopia rally for new prime minister

Members of the Zimbabwe Red Cross Society carry an injured person after a bomb went off at a rally attended by President Emmerson Mnangagwa in Zimbabwe’s second-largest city.
Members of the Zimbabwe Red Cross Society carry an injured person after a bomb went off at a rally attended by President Emmerson Mnangagwa in Zimbabwe’s second-largest city. PHOTO: STRINGER/EPA-EFE/REX/SHUTTERSTOC/EPA/SHUTTERSTOCK

Zimbabwe’s president dodged an apparent assassination attempt ahead of a historic election, and a blast at a rally attended by Ethiopia’s new leader killed one person, rattling politics in two African nations in the midst of major transitions.

Video footage from a campaign rally held Saturday in the southwestern town of Bulawayo, Zimbabwe’s second-largest city, showed an explosion just as President Emmerson Mnangagwa and other ruling-party dignitaries were leaving the stage. The violent blast knocked over several officials of the ZANU-PF party, sending at least one tumbling off the stage. Photos and video showed multiple people wearing party regalia injured and crying for help.

In an interview on state radio Saturday evening, Mr. Mnangagwa said several senior party members, including his second vice president, Kembo Mohadi, the ZANU-PF chairman and the deputy speaker of parliament were injured in the blast, along with the wife of first Vice President Constantino Chiwenga.

“It exploded a few meters away from me, but it is not my time,” he said.

The apparent assassination attempt risks igniting what has so far been a peaceful campaign in Zimbabwe five weeks ahead of the election, in which Mr. Mnangagwa is seeking a popular mandate after ousting longtime strongman Robert Mugabe with the help of the military in November. Polls suggest a close battle for the presidency between the 75-year-old Mr. Mnangagwa, who had been Mr. Mugabe’s right-hand man for decades, and the 40-year-old Nelson Chamisa, who leads the opposition Movement for Democratic Change.

“The explosion today…could very well change the election and campaign and lead to significant violence, because it is unclear what has happened and who is behind it,” said Dewa Mavhinga, Southern Africa director for Human Rights Watch.

In addition to the tight race with the MDC, ZANU-PF has been contorted by a power struggle to fill in the void left after Mr. Mugabe’s ouster following nearly four decades in power.

“It could very well be an inside job…amid the internal struggles within ZANU-PF,” Mr.  Mavhinga said, adding that it was important for Zimbabwean authorities to investigate and give clarity over what happened.

In the interview, Mr. Mnangagwa said he didn’t believe the attempt on his life would create instability ahead of the election and hinted, that he, too, suspected a party-political motive.

“These are my normal enemies,” he said, adding that this wasn’t the first time someone had tried to eliminate him. “The attempts have been so many. It’s not the first time.”

Previous elections in Zimbabwe have been marred by violence targeting opposition members as well as allegations of vote rigging. But Mr. Mnangagwa has pledged that the July 30 poll would be free and fair, and opposition rallies have gone ahead without disruption.

Zimbabwe urgently needs financial support from international institutions and debt relief,but foreign government, including the U.S. and European Union, have made any help conditional on a credible election.

Ethiopians gather around an ambulance in Addis Ababa after an attack on a rally called by new Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.
Ethiopians gather around an ambulance in Addis Ababa after an attack on a rally called by new Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. PHOTO: YONAS TADESE/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE/GETTY IMAGES


Earlier Saturday, one person was killed and more than a hundred were injured when a grenade was thrown into a rally in Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa, the country’s health minister said. Thousands had attended the rally in support of new Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, whose economic and political overhauls have irked some local elites.

The 41-year-old leader, who in April was sworn in, was whisked away safely moments after the explosion.

It was an unusual attack in the Ethiopian capital, known to be among the safest on the continent. In an address on state-run television station later Saturday, Mr. Ahmed said the attack was “an attempt by forces who do not want to see Ethiopia united.”

Since taking power in Africa’s second-most populous country, Mr. Ahmed has announced the partial privatization of prized state assets, such as the national telecommunications company, and set out a plan to end a decadeslong border dispute with neighboring Eritrea.

He came to power with a message of national unity after more than two years of violent ethnic discord and is a member of the largest but most marginalized ethnic group in the country.

Write to Gabriele Steinhauser at and Matina Stevis-Gridneff at


DW investigates why few visas are issued for Africans wanting to come to Germany

It’s not easy for Africans to obtain a visa to visit Germany. A DW data analysis reveals that one in five applications is rejected, far more than for other parts of the world.

A Visa for the Schengen state in Europe (Fotolia/katatonia)

Grace Boateng (not her real name) hadn’t imagined it would be so difficult. Three years ago, the 26-year-old Ghanaian submitted her first application for a visa to come to Germany. “At the end they said: Sorry, we can’t give you a visa. We’re not sure if you will return to Ghana afterwards,” she said in interview with DW. Grace insists she had fulfilled all the requirements. “I said: ‘I showed you my bank statements, I have an apartment in Accra, I have family here. What more do you want?'”

But her appeal against the decision was rejected, as were two further applications. She says she finally obtained a visa after applying for a fourth time. Grace believes her country of origin was the reason for the rejections. “Why is it easier for people from other countries to come here and then it is so difficult for Africans to come here? What is the difference between someone from China, from Australia? We are the same human beings, we pay the same fees, we come with the same requirements that you ask,” she said.

Data visualization EN visa applications to Germany over time

Grace Boateng is not alone in thinking this. But is there any truth behind this assumption? DW journalists have analyzed data concerning the issuing of visas by German embassies between 2014 and 2017. Their main focus was on applications made for long-term visas for the purpose of study, work or family reunions. “Schengen visas” for short visits were not part of the study.

Easier for Asians

The number of visa applications which were processed and decided upon by all German embassies and consulates between 2014 and 2017 rose by 58 percent, while the number of rejections increased by 131 percent. During this period, only around 10 percent of decided applications came from Africa. Many more came from Asia (60 percent) and non-EU countries in Europe (23 percent). Africa tops the list of rejections —  22 percent of all processed applications were turned down. That’s at least one in five. From Europe, only one in eight applications got the red light and from Asia only one in ten. In other words, applications from Africa are turned down twice as often as those from Asia.

Data visualization EN visa applications Germany rejection rates continents

It is difficult to pinpoint concrete reasons for this. The German Federal Foreign Office was not willing to grant DW an interview to discuss the findings. However, it did provide a statement saying that decisions on visa applications are made by the respective embassies based on objective criteria. Applicants must provide details about their income in order to prove that they can provide for themselves financially while in Germany, or must prove they know someone here who would be responsible for such costs. Also, the foreign ministry says, there must be a plausible reason for the application. In cases of family reunions, the applicant must prove that he or she is married or related to the person living in Germany. The foreign ministry does not instruct embassies to subject applications from a specific country to a tougher vetting procedure or turn down more from some countries compared to others.

But migration researcher Jochen Oltmer believes that nationality does play a role in the decison-making process. “It’s always also a matter of the political situation in the home country of a visa applicant,” the professor at the Institute for Migration Research and Intercultural Studies at the University of Osnabrück told DW. The question is whether entry into Germany is seen as likely to pose a threat to security, health or the social system. Oltmer thinks these considerations could play a role, particularly in the case of visa applicants from Africa. “Is it a question of a rich democracy or a poor dictatorship? If one looks at the general view of Africa here, it is widely seen as a continent marked by poverty, extreme inequality and high migration potential.”

Data visualization EN visa applications Germany rejection rates African countries

Empty promises?

This could also explain why there are big differences between individual countries concerning the number of visa rejections. In Nigeria, for example, 5,268 applications were decided between 2014 and 2017, in South Africa the figure was 4,089, of which just six percent were rejected, while in Nigeria 24 percent were turned down. “Nigeria is a very populous country which in recent years has been linked with the following factors: a high migration potential, extremely violent conflicts, Boko Haram terror and serious human rights violations,” Oltmer said.

The figures reveal a large contradiction between official German policy and reality. Beginning last year, Germany promised to make it easier for young Africans to enter this country. “We want to make it possible for more young people from Ghana to study or learn a trade in Germany. I think we must fight illegal migration but, on the other hand, we must also open up legal opportunities, especially for young people,” Chancellor Angela Merkel said during a visit by Ghana’s President Nana Akufo-Addo in February.

Data visualization EN visa applications Germany distribution rejection rates continents

The young Ghanaian Grace Boateng has come to her own conclusion about German visa policy. “I have the personal experience where I went to the embassy for my appointment. After my appointment I got a letter which said ‘No, you cannot go.’ On my way out, I met somebody who said, ‘Oh no, this was my seventh time that this is happening.’ Then why are you asking people to apply and pay money? Some people come from very far away and then you reject this person so many times. That’s absurd.”